fasti battle
the same year · every reckoning
ad
378 ad
ce
378 ce
a.u.c.
mcxxxi
b.p.
1,572
holocene era
10,379
olympiad
289 · year 3
anno mundi
4,140
9 · august hadrianopolis

adrianople and the emperor who left no body

proelium hadrianopolitanum

on 9 august 378 the emperor valens marched in person against the goths, lost two thirds of the eastern army and vanished in the slaughter. ammianus marcellinus records two versions of his end, and in neither does the body turn up.

gold solidus bearing the portrait of the emperor valens
the metropolitan museum of art · public domain

on 9 august 378 a roman emperor marched in person against the goths, lost the battle, and nothing more was ever heard of his body. this is not a figure of speech: there was no funeral, no tomb, no remains to bury.

valens ruled the eastern half of the empire. two years earlier, tens of thousands of goths fleeing the huns had crowded the northern bank of the danube asking permission to cross and take refuge on roman soil. valens granted it, and not out of generosity: they were hands for the fields and recruits for the army. what failed was the logistics, and it failed in the worst way imaginable.

the officers charged with feeding them cheated them instead. ammianus marcellinus —a soldier of that era, writing with the bitterness of a man who saw the system from inside— records that they went as far as selling them dog meat in exchange for handing over their own children as slaves. the goths rose in arms, and had been ranging across thrace for two years when the emperor decided to settle the matter himself.

rome did not lose that day for being weaker. it lost for being in a hurry.

in the summer of 378 the two armies were hunting each other near adrianople. gratian, valens’ nephew and emperor of the west, was on his way with reinforcements after defeating the alamanni. valens chose not to wait. according to ammianus he resented sharing the glory with his nephew, and his scouts reported the goths to be far fewer than they actually were. he ordered the attack, and his men marched for hours under the august sun without food or water, reaching the field already exhausted.

a truce was still being negotiated when the fighting broke out. the gothic cavalry, returning from raiding the surrounding country, fell on the roman flanks and pressed them into the centre. ammianus describes the result with a detail nobody forgets: the legionaries were packed so tightly against one another that they could not raise their arms to use their swords. two thirds of the eastern army were destroyed, along with thirty-five tribunes and much of the high command. ammianus himself writes that rome had seen no such butchery since cannae.

valens disappeared in the slaughter. ammianus records two versions and both end the same way, without a body: in one he falls to an arrow among the rank and file, unrecognised by anyone; in the other, wounded, his men carry him to a nearby farmhouse which the goths burn without knowing the emperor was inside.

it is worth saying what has since been made of this battle. for a long time it was presented as the moment cavalry replaced infantry and the middle ages began — a reading current scholarship has dismantled: barbero and heather agree that adrianople was a catastrophic tactical defeat, not a military revolution. what did change was the political map. four years later theodosius made peace and let the goths settle inside the frontier, under their own leaders and with their own weapons. an entire people came to live on roman soil without ceasing to be itself. of valens, meanwhile, there was not even a body to bury.

@yodidac · tiktok adrianople and the emperor who left no body play
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⁕ ⁕ ⁕ apparatus ⁕ ⁕ ⁕

fontes classicae.

  1. i. ammianus marcellinus · res gestae xxxi, 4.10-11 and 12-13

modern bibliography.

  1. i. alessandro barbero · 9 agosto 378. il giorno dei barbari
  2. ii. peter heather · the fall of the roman empire. a new history of rome and the barbarians
⁕   responsa   ⁕

questions on this entry

all the responsa
¿los godos podían con los romanos pero no con los hunos?

la pregunta da por supuesta una escalera de fuerza —si a gana a b y b gana a c, entonces a gana a c— y la antigüedad tardía no funciona así en ningún punto.

para empezar, los godos no cruzan el danubio en el 376 a raíz de una única batalla perdida. hubo derrotas, y amiano las cuenta: el reino de ermanarico se hunde y él se suicida, vitimiro cae combatiendo, atanarico es sorprendido de noche y empujado a las montañas. pero ninguna de ellas es un waterloo que decida nada. lo que empuja a un pueblo entero al otro lado del río es la presión huna sobre las estepas poniendo en movimiento a otros pueblos, y ese desplazamiento propagándose como una ola hasta la frontera romana. y lo que convirtió aquello en guerra tampoco fue el cruce, sino la estafa posterior — los oficiales encargados de alimentarlos los mataron de hambre, y quien lo cuenta es amiano marcelino, oficial romano y nada sospechoso de simpatía por los godos.

cuando llega por fin el gran choque, la geometría se cae del todo. en los campos cataláunicos, en el 451, hay godos en los dos bandos: visigodos combatiendo junto a aecio del lado romano, ostrogodos y gépidos combatiendo bajo atila. no es «romanos y godos contra hunos». es una coalición mayoritariamente germánica contra otra coalición mayoritariamente germánica, mandada una por un general romano y otra por un rey huno.

lo que sí explica algo es la forma de combatir, no el ranking. el huno pelea a caballo con arco compuesto: hostiga, se retira, deshace la formación enemiga sin buscar la línea. romanos y godos van al choque — infantería pesada y carga de caballería. eso no hace invencible a nadie; hace que cada uno le resulte difícil al otro por motivos distintos.

y a la confederación huna no la deshace la muerte de atila del 453 por sí sola. la rompen al año siguiente sus propios súbditos germánicos, con los gépidos a la cabeza, en la batalla del nedao. el poder que había hecho temblar a los dos imperios romanos se disolvió desde dentro en menos de un año, y sin que roma tuviera nada que ver

amiano marcelino, res gestae xxxi, 3 (ermanarico, vitimiro y atanarico ante los hunos), xxxi, 4 (el cruce del danubio del 376 y la estafa del avituallamiento) y xxxi, 12-13 (adrianópolis)
jordanes, getica 197-217 (campos cataláunicos, 451) y 259-263 (la batalla del nedao, 454)
peter heather, the fall of the roman empire. a new history of rome and the barbarians
alessandro barbero, 9 agosto 378. il giorno dei barbari
answered in spanish
dídac
⁕ about the author ⁕

dídac

history communicator. writes about ancient political history and the rage his own century gives him. building an encyclopædia romana on the internet — and a few rooms more.